Aire - William Lawes - Consorts In Four And Five Parts (CD)

The results of the conference were less than expected due to the mutual distrust existing between great powers. Nevertheless, the Hague conventions were among the first formal statements of the laws of war.

In he and the Russian diplomat Friedrich Martens were nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize for the initiative to convene the Hague Peace Conference and contributing to its implementation. Morrill states that "most scholars" agree that the invitation was "conceived in fear, brought forth in deceit, and swaddled in humanitarian ideals Not from humanitarianism, not from love for mankind.

A clash between Russia and the Empire of Japan was almost inevitable by the turn of the 20th century. Russia had expanded in the Far East, and the growth of its settlement and territorial ambitions, as its southward path to the Balkans was frustrated, conflicted with Japan's own territorial ambitions on the Asian mainland.

Nicholas pursued an aggressive foreign policy with regards to Manchuria and Koreaand strongly supported the scheme for timber concessions in these areas as developed by the Bezobrazov group. War began in February with a preemptive Japanese attack on the Russian fleet in Port Arthurprior to a formal declaration of war. With the Russian Far East fleet trapped at Port Arthur, the only other Russian Fleet was the Baltic Fleet ; it was half a world away, but the decision was made to send the fleet on a nine-month voyage to the East.

The Baltic Fleet traversed the world to lift the blockade on Port Arthur, but after many misadventures on the way, was nearly annihilated by the Japanese in the Battle of the Tsushima Strait. While commands and supplies came from St. Petersburgcombat took place in east Asian ports with only the Trans-Siberian Railway for transport of supplies as well as troops both ways.

Petersburg and Port Arthur was single-track, with no track around Lake Baikalallowing only gradual build-up of the forces on the front. Besieged Port Arthur fell to the Japanese, after nine months of resistance.

As Russia faced imminent defeat by the Japanese, the call for peace grew. Despite the efforts, Nicholas remained evasive, sending a telegram to the Kaiser on 10 October that it was his intent to keep on fighting until the Japanese were driven from Manchuria.

The war was ended by the signing of the Treaty of Portsmouth. Nicholas's stance on the war was so at variance with the obvious facts that many observers were baffled. He saw the war as an easy God-given victory that would raise Russian morale and patriotism. He ignored the financial repercussions of a long-distance war. He ignored reports of the prowess of Japanese soldiers in the Sino-Japanese War —95 and reports on the capabilities of the Japanese fleet, as well as negative reports on the lack of readiness of Russian forces.

Before the Japanese attack on Port Arthur, Nicholas held firm to the belief that there would be no war. Despite the onset of the war and the many defeats Russia suffered, Nicholas still believed in, and expected, a final victory, maintaining an image of the racial inferiority and military weakness of the Japanese. His advisors never gave him a clear picture of Russia's weaknesses.

Despite the continuous military disasters Nicholas believed victory was near at hand. Losing his navy at Tsushima finally persuaded him to agree to peace negotiations. Even then he insisted on the option of reopening hostilities if peace conditions were unfavorable.

He forbade his chief negotiator Count Witte to agree to either indemnity payments or loss of territory. Nicholas remained adamantly opposed to any concessions.

Peace was made, but Witte did so by disobeying the tsar and ceding southern Sakhalin to Japan. The Kishinev newspaper Bessarabetswhich published anti-Semitic materials, received funds from Viacheslav PlehveMinister of the Interior. The government of Nicholas II formally condemned the rioting and dismissed the regional governor, with the perpetrators arrested and punished by the court.

Appeals to the faithful condemning the pogroms were read publicly in all churches of Russia. A few days prior to Bloody Sunday 9 22 Januarypriest and labor leader Georgy Gapon informed the government of the forthcoming procession to the Winter Palace to hand a workers' petition to the Tsar.

On Saturday, 8 21 January, the ministers convened to consider the situation. There was never any thought that the Tsar, who had left the capital for Tsarskoye Selo on the advice of the ministers, would actually meet Gapon; the suggestion that some other member of the imperial family receive the petition was rejected.

Finally informed by the Prefect of Police that he lacked the men to pluck Gapon from among his followers and place him under arrest, the newly appointed Minister of the Interior, Prince Sviatopolk-Mirskyand his colleagues decided to bring additional troops to reinforce the city.

That evening Nicholas wrote in his diary, "Troops have been brought from the outskirts to reinforce the garrison. Up to now the workers have been calm. Their number is estimated atAt the head of their union is a kind of socialist priest named Gapon. Mirsky came this evening to present his report on the measures taken. On Sunday, 9 22 JanuaryGapon began his march. Locking arms, the workers marched peacefully through the streets.

Some carried religious icons and banners, as well as national flags and portraits of the Tsar. As they walked, they sang hymns and God Save The Tsar. At 2 pm all of the converging processions were scheduled to arrive at the Winter Palace. There was no single confrontation with the troops. Throughout the city, at bridges on strategic boulevards, the marchers found their way blocked by lines of infantry, backed by Cossacks and Hussars; and the soldiers opened fire on the crowd.

The official number of victims was 92 dead and several hundred wounded. Gapon vanished and the other leaders of the march were seized. Expelled from the capital, they circulated through the empire, increasing the casualties. As bullets riddled their icons, their banners and their portraits of Nicholas, the people shrieked, "The Tsar will not help us!

Difficult day! In St. Petersburg there were serious disturbances due to the desire of workers to get to the Winter Palace. The troops had to shoot in different places of the city, there were many dead and wounded. Lord, how painful and bad! His younger sister, Grand Duchess Olga Alexandrovnawrote afterwards:. Nicky had the police report a few days before. That Saturday he telephoned my mother at the Anitchkov and said that she and I were to leave for Gatchina at once.

He and Alicky went to Tsarskoye Selo. Insofar as I remember, my Uncles Vladimir and Nicholas were the only members of the family left in St. Petersburg, but there may have been others.

I felt at the time that all those arrangements were hideously wrong. Nicky's ministers and the Chief of Police had it all their way. My mother and I wanted him to stay in St.

Petersburg and to face the crowd. I am positive that, for all the ugly mood of some of the workmen, Nicky's appearance would have calmed them. They would have presented their petition and gone back to their homes. But that wretched Epiphany incident had left all the senior officials in a state of panic.

They kept on telling Nicky that he had no right to run such a risk, that he owed it to the country to leave the capital, that even with the utmost precautions taken there might always be some loophole left. My mother and I did all we could to persuade him that the ministers' advice was wrong, but Nicky preferred to follow it and he was the first to repent when he heard of the tragic outcome.

From his hiding place Gapon issued a letter, stating "Nicholas Romanov, formerly Tsar and at present soul-murderer of the Russian empire. The innocent blood of workers, their wives and children lies forever between you and the Russian people May all the blood which must be spilled fall upon you, you Hangman. I call upon all the socialist parties of Russia to come to an immediate agreement among themselves and bring an armed uprising against Tsarism.

Confronted with growing opposition and after consulting with Witte and Prince Sviatopolk-Mirsky, the Tsar issued a reform ukase on 25 December with vague promises. Dmitri Feodorovich Trepov was ordered to take drastic measures to stop the revolutionary activity. On 3 March the Tsar condemned the revolutionaries.

Meanwhile, Witte recommended that a manifesto be issued. The Tsar remained quite impassive and indulgent; he spent most of that autumn hunting. He wrote to his mother after months of disorder:. It makes me sick to read the news! Nothing but strikes in schools and factories, murdered policemen, Cossacks and soldiers, riots, disorder, mutinies.

But the ministers, instead of acting with quick decision, only assemble in council like a lot of frightened hens and cackle about providing united ministerial action One had the same feeling, as before a thunderstorm in summer! Everybody was on edge and extremely nervous and of course, that sort of strain could not go on for long We are in the midst of a revolution with an administrative apparatus entirely disorganized, and in this lies the main danger.

In October a railway strike developed into a general strike which paralysed the country. In a city without electricity, Witte told Nicholas II "that the country was at the verge of a cataclysmic revolution". The freedom of religion clause outraged the Church because it allowed people to switch to evangelical Protestantism, which they denounced as heresy.

For the next six months, Witte was the Prime Minister. According to Harold Williams : "That government was almost paralyzed from the beginning. On 1 November O. Under pressure from the attempted Russian Revolutionon 5 August of that year Nicholas II issued a manifesto about the convocation of the State Dumaknown as the Bulygin Dumainitially thought to be an advisory organ.

In the October Manifesto, the Tsar pledged to introduce basic civil liberties, provide for broad participation in the State Duma, and endow the Duma with legislative and oversight powers. He was determined, however, to preserve his autocracy even in the context of reform. Aire - William Lawes - Consorts In Four And Five Parts (CD) was signalled in the text of the constitution. He was described as the supreme autocrat, and retained sweeping executive powers, also in church affairs.

His cabinet ministers were not allowed to interfere with nor assist one another; they were responsible only to him. Nicholas's relations with the Duma were poor. The First Dumawith a majority of Kadetsalmost immediately came into conflict with him.

Scarcely had the members sat down at the Tauride Palace when they formulated an 'Address to the Throne'. It demanded universal suffrageradical land reform, the release of all political prisoners and the dismissal of ministers appointed by the Tsar in favour of ministers acceptable to the Duma. There was such gloom at Tsarskoye Selo. I did not understand anything about politics.

I just felt everything was going wrong with the country and all of us. The October Constitution did not seem to satisfy anyone. I went with my mother to the first Duma. I remember the large group of deputies from among peasants and factory people. The peasants looked sullen. But the workmen were worse: they looked as though they hated us.

I remember the distress in Alicky 's eyes. Minister of the Court Count Vladimir Frederiks commented, "The Deputies, they give one the impression of a gang of criminals who are only waiting for the signal to throw themselves upon the ministers and cut their throats.

I will never again set foot among those people. Although Nicholas initially had a good relationship with his prime minister, Sergei Witte, Alexandra distrusted him as he had instigated an investigation of Grigori Rasputin and, as the political situation deteriorated, Nicholas dissolved the Duma. The Duma was populated with radicalsmany of whom wished to push through legislation that would abolish private property ownership, among other things. Witte, unable to grasp the seemingly insurmountable problems of reforming Russia and the monarchy, wrote to Nicholas on 14 April resigning his office however, other accounts have said that Witte was forced to resign by the Emperor.

Nicholas was not ungracious to Witte and an Imperial Rescript was published on 22 April creating Witte a Knight of the Order of Saint Alexander Nevsky with diamonds the last two words were written in the Emperor's own hand, followed by "I remain unalterably well-disposed to you and sincerely grateful, for ever more Nicholas. A second Duma met for the first time in February The leftist parties—including the Social Democrats and the Social Revolutionaries, who had boycotted the First Duma—had won seats in the Second, more than a third of the membership.

Again Nicholas waited impatiently to rid himself of the Duma. In two letters to his mother he let his bitterness flow:. A grotesque deputation is coming from England to see liberal members of the Duma. Uncle Bertie informed us that they were very sorry but were unable to take action to stop their coming.

Their famous "liberty", of course. How angry they would be if a deputation went from us to the Irish to wish them success in their struggle against their government.

All would be well if everything said in the Duma remained within its walls. Every word spoken, however, comes out in the next day's papers which are avidly read by everyone. In many places the populace is getting restive again. They begin to talk about land once more and are waiting to see what the Duma is going to say on the question. I am getting telegrams from everywhere, petitioning me to order a dissolution, but it is too early for that.

One has to let them do something manifestly stupid or mean and then — slap! And they are gone! After the Second Duma resulted in similar problems, the new prime minister Pyotr Stolypin whom Witte described as "reactionary" unilaterally dissolved it, and changed the electoral laws to allow for future Dumas to have a more conservative content, and to be dominated by the liberal-conservative Octobrist Party of Alexander Guchkov.

Stolypin, a skilful politician, had ambitious plans for reform. These included making loans available to the lower classes to enable them to buy land, with the intent of forming a farming class loyal to the crown. Nevertheless, when the Duma remained hostile, Stolypin had no qualms about invoking Article 87 of the Fundamental Lawswhich empowered the Tsar to issue 'urgent and extraordinary' emergency decrees 'during the recess of the State Duma'. Stolypin's most famous legislative act, the change in peasant land tenure, was promulgated under Article The third Duma remained an independent body.

This time the members proceeded cautiously. Instead of hurling themselves at the government, opposing parties within the Duma worked to develop the body as a whole. In the classic manner of the British Parliament, the Duma reached for power grasping for the national purse strings.

The Duma had the right to question ministers behind closed doors as to their proposed expenditures. These sessions, endorsed by Stolypin, were educational for both sides, and, in time, mutual antagonism was replaced by mutual respect. Even the sensitive area of military expenditure, where the October Manifesto clearly had reserved decisions to the throne, a Duma commission began to operate. Composed of aggressive patriots no less anxious than Nicholas to restore the fallen honour of Russian arms, the Duma commission frequently recommended expenditures even larger than those proposed.

With the passage of time, Nicholas also began to have confidence in the Duma. Although the tsar at first supported him, he finally sided with the arch critics. Stolypin, they whispered, was a traitor and secret revolutionary who was conniving with the Duma to steal the prerogatives assigned the Tsar by God. Witte also engaged in constant intrigue against Stolypin.

Although Stolypin had had nothing to do with Witte's fall, Witte blamed him. Stolypin had unwittingly angered the Tsaritsa. He had ordered an investigation into Rasputin and presented it to the Tsar, who read it but did nothing. Stolypin, on his own authority, ordered Rasputin to leave St.

Alexandra protested vehemently but Nicholas refused to overrule his Prime Minister, [92] who had more influence with the Emperor. By the time of Stolypin's assassination in SeptemberStolypin had grown weary of the burdens of office. For a man who preferred clear decisive action, working with a sovereign who believed in fatalism and mysticism was frustrating. As an example, Nicholas once returned a document unsigned with the note:. Despite most convincing arguments in favour of adopting a positive decision in this matter, an inner voice keeps on insisting more and more that I do not accept responsibility for it.

So far my conscience has not deceived me. Therefore I intend in this case to follow its dictates. I know that you, too, believe that "a Tsar's heart is in God's hands. For all laws established by me I bear a great responsibility before God, and I am ready to answer for my decision at any time.

Alexandra, believing that Stolypin had severed the bonds that her son depended on for life, hated the Prime Minister. Two years earlier when Stolypin had casually mentioned resigning to Nicholas he was informed: "This is not a question of confidence or lack of it.

It is my will. Remember that we live in Russia, not abroad Ina fourth Duma was elected with almost the same membership as the third. Now it is slower, but better, and more lasting," stated Nicholas to Sir Bernard Pares.

The First World War developed badly for Russia. By lateRomanov family desperation reached the point that Grand Duke Paul Alexandrovichyounger brother of Alexander III and the Tsar's only surviving uncle, was deputed to beg Nicholas to grant a constitution and a government responsible to the Duma.

Nicholas sternly and adamantly refused, reproaching his uncle for asking him to break his coronation oath to maintain autocratic power for his successors. In the Duma on 2 DecemberVladimir Purishkevich, a fervent patriot, monarchist and war worker, denounced the dark forces which surrounded the throne in a thunderous two-hour speech which was tumultuously applauded.

Further complicating domestic matters was the matter Aire - William Lawes - Consorts In Four And Five Parts (CD) the succession. The young heir was afflicted with Hemophilia Ba hereditary disease that prevents blood from clotting properly, which at that time was untreatable and usually led to an untimely death. As a granddaughter of Queen Victoria, Alexandra carried the same gene mutation that afflicted several of the major European royal houses, such as Prussia and Spain.

Hemophilia, therefore, became known as " the royal disease ". Through Alexandra, the disease had passed on to her son. As all of Nicholas and Alexandra's daughters were assassinated with their parents and brother in Yekaterinburg init is not known whether any of them inherited the gene as carriers. Before Rasputin's arrival, the tsarina and the tsar had consulted numerous mystics, charlatans, "holy fools," and miracle workers. The royal behavior was not some odd aberration, but a deliberate retreat from the secular social and economic forces of his time — an act of faith and vote of confidence in a spiritual past.

They had set themselves up for the greatest spiritual advisor and manipulator in Russian history. Because of the fragility of the autocracy at this time, Nicholas and Alexandra chose to keep secret Alexei's condition. Even within the household, many were unaware of the exact nature of the Tsarevich's illness. At first Alexandra turned to Russian doctors and medics to treat Alexei; however, their treatments generally failed, and Alexandra increasingly turned to mystics and holy men or starets as they were called in Russian.

One of these starets, an illiterate Siberian named Grigori Rasputin, gained amazing success. Rasputin's influence over Empress Alexandra, and consequently the Tsar himself, grew even stronger after when the Tsarevich nearly died from an injury. His bleeding grew steadily worse as doctors despaired, and priests administered the Last Sacrament. In desperation, Alexandra called upon Rasputin, to which he replied, "God has seen your tears and heard your prayers.

Do not grieve. The Little One will not die. Do not allow the doctors to bother him too much. Alexandra took this as a sign that Rasputin was a starets and that God was with him; for the rest of her life she would fervently defend him and turn her wrath against anyone who dared to question him. Into end longstanding controversies over central Asia, Russia and the United Kingdom signed the Anglo-Russian Convention that resolved most of the problems generated for decades by The Great Game.

However, they did not set foot on Russian soil. Instead, they stayed aboard their yachts, meeting off the coast of modern-day Tallinn. Later that year, Nicholas was taken off guard by the news that his foreign minister, Alexander Izvolskyhad entered into a secret agreement with the Austro-Hungarian foreign minister, Count Alois von Aehrenthalagreeing that, in exchange for Russian naval access to the Dardanelles and the Bosporus StraitRussia would not oppose the Austrian annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovinaa revision of the Treaty of Berlin.

When Austria-Hungary did annex this territory that October, it precipitated the diplomatic crisis. When Russia protested about the annexation, the Austrians threatened to leak secret communications between Izvolsky and Aehernthal, prompting Nicholas to complain in a letter to the Austrian emperor, Franz Josephabout a breach of confidence.

Inin the wake of the Anglo-Russian convention, the Russian imperial family made a visit to England, staying on the Isle of Wight for Cowes Week. Induring the Balkan WarsNicholas personally offered to arbitrate between Serbia and Bulgaria.

However, the Bulgarians rejected his offer. In FebruaryNicholas presided over the tercentenary celebrations for the Romanov Dynasty. In FinlandNicholas had become associated with deeply unpopular Russification measures. These began with the February Manifesto [ fr ] proclaimed by Nicholas II in[] which restricted Finland's autonomy and instigated a period of censorship and political repression. Petersburg by a delegation of people, but they were not received by Nicholas.

Russification measures were reintroduced in after a temporary suspension in the aftermath of the Revolution, and Nicholas received an icy reception when he made his only visit to Helsinki on 10 March The outbreak of war was not inevitable, but leaders, diplomats and nineteenth-century alliances created a climate for large-scale conflict. The concept of Pan-Slavism and shared religion created strong public sympathy between Russia and Serbia.

Territorial conflict created rivalries between Germany and France and between Austria-Hungary and Serbiaand as a consequence alliance networks developed across Europe. The Triple Entente and Triple Alliance networks were set before the war. Nicholas wanted neither to abandon Serbia to the ultimatum of Austria, nor to provoke a general war. In a series of letters exchanged with Wilhelm of Germany the " Willy—Nicky correspondence " the two proclaimed their desire for peace, and each attempted to get the other to back down.

Nicholas desired that Russia's mobilization be only against Austria-Hungary, in the hopes of preventing war with Germany. On 25 Julyat his council of ministers, Nicholas decided to intervene in the Austro-Serbian conflict, a step toward general war. He put the Russian army on "alert" [] on 25 July. Although this was not general mobilization, it threatened the German and Austro-Hungarian borders and looked like military preparation for war.

On 28 July, Austria-Hungary formally declared war against Serbia. On 29 JulyNicholas sent a telegram to Wilhelm with the suggestion to submit the Austro-Serbian problem to the Hague Conference in Hague tribunal. Wilhelm did not address the question of the Hague Conference in his subsequent reply. Germany, reacting to the discovery of partial mobilization ordered on 25 July, announced its own pre-mobilization posture, the Imminent Danger of War.

Germany requested that Russia demobilize within the next twelve hours. The outbreak of war on 1 August found Russia grossly unprepared. Russia and her allies placed their faith in her army, the famous 'Russian steamroller'.

In every other respect, however, Russia was unprepared for war. Germany had ten times as much railway track per square mile, and whereas Russian soldiers travelled an average of 1, kilometres mi to reach the front, German soldiers traveled less than a quarter of that distance. Russian heavy industry was still too Aire - William Lawes - Consorts In Four And Five Parts (CD) to equip the massive armies the Tsar could raise, and her reserves of munitions were pitifully small; while the German army in was better equipped than any other, man-for-man, the Russians were severely short on artillery pieces, shells, motorized transports, and even boots.

With the Baltic Sea barred by German U-boats and the Dardanelles by the guns of Germany's ally, the Ottoman EmpireRussia initially could receive help only via Archangelwhich was frozen solid in winter, or via Vladivostokwhich was over 6, kilometres 4, mi from the front line.

Bya rail line was built north from Petrozavodsk to the Kola Gulf and this connection laid the foundation of the ice-free port of what eventually was called Murmansk. The Russian High Command was moreover greatly weakened by the mutual contempt between Vladimir Sukhomlinovthe Minister of War, and the incompetent Grand Duke Nicholas Nikolayevich who commanded the armies in the field.

The Germans mobilised there with great efficiency and completely defeated the two Russian armies which had invaded. The Battle of Tannenbergwhere an entire Russian army was annihilated, cast an ominous shadow over Russia's future.

Russia had great success against both the Austro-Hungarian Aire - William Lawes - Consorts In Four And Five Parts (CD) Ottoman armies from the very beginning of the war, but they never succeeded against the might of the German Army.

In Septemberto relieve pressure on France, the Russians were forced to halt a successful offensive against Austria-Hungary in Galicia to attack German-held Silesia. Gradually a war of attrition set in on the vast Eastern Frontwhere the Russians were facing the combined forces of the German and Austro-Hungarian armies, and they suffered staggering losses.

General Denikin, retreating from Galicia wrote, "The German heavy artillery swept away whole lines of trenches, and their defenders with them. We hardly replied. There was nothing with which we could reply. Our regiments, although completely exhausted, were beating off one attack after another by bayonet Blood flowed unendingly, the ranks became thinner and thinner and thinner. The number of graves multiplied. Defeat at the front bred disorder at home.

At first, the targets were German, and for three days in June Aire - William Lawes - Consorts In Four And Five Parts (CD), bakeries, factories, private houses and country estates belonging to people with German names were looted and burned. The inflamed mobs then turned on the government, declaring the Empress should be shut up in a convent, the Tsar deposed and Rasputin hanged.

Nicholas was by no means deaf to these discontents. An emergency session of the Duma was summoned and a Special Defense Council established, its members drawn from the Duma and the Tsar's ministers. Rainy Day Relaxation Road Trip. Romantic Evening Sex All Themes.

Articles Features Interviews Lists. Streams Videos All Posts. My Profile. Advanced Search. Track Listing - Disc 1. Fantazya: a 5. William Lawes. On the Playsong: a 5. Aire: a 5. Fantazy [no. Fantazia: a 5. Aire [no.

Paven: a 5. Fantazy: a 5. Track Listing - Disc 2. Paven: a 6. Fantazy: a 6. Aire: a 6. SalisburyWiltshire. Rowton Heathnear Chester. Bodleian Library, Mus. Performed by Phillip W. In Root, Deane L. Oxford University Press. Authority control. Categories : births deaths People from Salisbury English Baroque composers English classical composers English viol players Cavaliers English military personnel killed in action People killed in the English Civil War 17th-century classical composers 17th-century English composers English male classical composers.

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